Pierre Proudhon, 202 años

Pierre Proudhon

(15 de Janeiro de 1809, Besançon, França - 19 de Janeiro de 1865, Paris, França) foi um anarquista francês, o principal, no qual sua influência é sentida até os dias de hoje. Acabou sendo um dos que iniciaram a propor uma ciência da sociedade.Em seu ensaio Qu'est-ce que la propriété?, afirma « La propriété c'est le vol » (A propriedade é o roubo). Em seu livro Les confessions d'un révolutionnaire, ele afirma, entre outras coisas: « L'anarchie c'est l'ordre » (A anarquia é a ordem).Após tentar criar um banco para empréstimos sem juros, ele lança as bases de um sistema mutualista cujos princípios são ainda hoje aplicados nos serviços de seguro.

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Começou a trabalhar cedo numa tipografia, pois era de origem humilde, onde acabou conhecendo Charles Fourier, que influenciou muito em suas idéias, além de conhecer liberais, socialistas e utópicos. Em 1838, já diplomado pela faculdade de Besançon, foi para Paris, onde em 1840 publicou Qu´est-ce que la propriéte? (Que é propriedade?). Nessa obra acaba se afirmando como anarquista, criticando a propriedade privada. Tinha em mente que quando se explorava a força de trabalho de um semelhante por semelhante, isso se definia como roubo. Além disso, destaca que cada pessoa deve comandar os meios de produção que está utilizando.

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Em 1842 escreveu algumas teses chamadas Avertissement aux propriétaires (Advertência aos proprietários), onde acabou sendo absolvido do processo, pois os juízes admitiram nesse período não se acharem em competência de julgá-lo. Depois disso foi para Lyon, onde se empregou no comércio. Nesse período entra em contato com uma sociedade secreta, que formulava uma doutrina na qual um associação de trabalhadores da nascente indústria deveria administrar. Com isso acabaram por transformar as estruturas sociais, não pela atração econômica, mas pela revolução violenta.

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Proudhon conheceu Marx em uma viagem que fez a Paris, além de outros revolucionários como Mikhail Bakunin. Em 1846 escreveu Système des contradictions économiques, ou philosophie de la misère (Sistemas de contradições econômicas ou filosofia da miséria), onde criticou o autoritarismo comunista e defendeu um estado centralizado. Marx acabou por dar uma resposta a Proudhon em 1847 com Misère de la philosophie (Miséria da filosofia). Participou em Paris sem convencer sobre a Revolução de 1848. De 1849 a 1852 ficou preso por causa de críticas direcionadas a Napoleão III. Nesse período escreveu Idée générale de la révolution au XIX siècle (1851) - Idéia geral de revolução no século XIX), que colocava uma visão de uma sociedade federalista numa perspetiva mundial, não tendo um governo central, mas em comunas e governadas por autogestão. Os comunistas acabaram por tachá-lo de reacionário, após falar sobre uma união entre proletários e burgueses.

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Após publicar De la justice dans la révolution et dans l'église (1858) - A justiça na revolução e na igreja) passou a viver sempre vigiado pela polícia, o que o levou a se exilar em Bruxelas, pois esta obra era totalmente anticlerical. Em 1864 volta a Paris e publica Du Principe fédératif (Do princípio federativo), uma síntese de suas idéias políticas. Suas idéias se espalharam por toda a Europa, influenciando organizações de trabalhadores e dos mais fortes movimentos sindicais que se manifestaram na Rússia, Itália, Espanha e na França.
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Idéias

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As idéias de Proudhon, junto com as de Owen, eram opostas ao liberalismo, sendo a vertente das teorias socialistas, onde denunciam a organização econômica, governamental e educacional, prevendo a construção de sociedades cooperativas de produção. Tinha um pensamento mais utópico, pois Saint-Simon, da mesma vertente, se difere dos dois por elogiar a industrialização e o desenvolvimento do Estado. Marx e Engels foram os responsáveis por desenvolver ainda mais o socialismo científico, resultando em profundas idéias políticas. O pensamento de Proudhon, assim como de Fourier e Saint-Simon, era voltado para uma reorganização da sociedade, tendo como princípio de tudo a justiça. Essa justiça acabou sendo a harmonia social, mas também para o pensamento humano, até as próprias relações físicas.

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Segundo Proudhon, o homem deveria abandonar sua atual condição econômica e moral, pois leva a desarmonia humana, nessa sujeição de homens feita pelos homens. A nova sociedade devia ser apoiada no mutualismo, pois seria uma cooperação livradas por associações, eliminando o poder coercitivo do Estado. Entende-se, também, o absolutismo do indivíduo, pois é responsável pela arbitrariedade e a injustiça. Para ele deveria ter tido uma continuação da revolução, já que tinha conseguido destruir o feudalismo. Nessa sociedade moderna deve existir uma resistência por parte dos indivíduos ao capitalismo (que começa a dar seus primeiros passos), pois seria o responsável pela criação da propriedade privada. Ele ainda defende a anarquia positiva, no qual descarta a Igreja e o Estado, assim acabará indo contra as idéias de Marx sobre o comunismo. Proudhon viu o comunismo como sendo algo utilizado para controlar os homens e eliminar a igualdade, pois são feitos concretos, fundados na liberdade, onde cada uma das partes tome seu interesse e o poder coercitivo do estado seja inútil.

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Suas obras
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1840 - Qu'est ce que la propriéte?

1843 - De la création de l'ordre dans l'humanité, ou principes d'organisation politique
1846 - Système des contraditions économiques ou Philosophie de la misère'
1849 - Les Confessions d'un révolutionnaire

1852 - La révolution sociale

1853 - Philosophie du progrès
1858 - De la justice dans la révolution et dans l'église (em três volumes, segunda edição foi aumentada e foi publicada em 1860)
1861 - A guerra e a paz

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Numa obra publicada após sua morte, De la capacité politique de la classe ouvrière (da capacidade política das classes operárias), mostra quais são as três condições segundo as quais o proletário pode ser visto como força política - quando tem consciência de sua dignidade, das posições que ocupa na sociedade - analisa e expõe suas condições. Depois disso faz um programa de ação política. Em uma revista ainda colaborou e ajudou a fundar.

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1847 - Le représentant du peuple
1848 - Le peuple
1848 - La voix du peuple cada uma delas formada por 14 volumes, só publicada integralmente em 1875.

PROUDHON'S COLLECTED WORKS

What is Property (1840)

Qu'est-ce que la propriété

System of Economical Contradictions: or, the Philosophy of Misery (1846)
(Etext Version from Project Gutenberg) or broken into chapters

The Malthusians: Le Représentant du Peuple, 10th August 1848.

General Idea of Revolution (1851)

Proudhon's Solution of the Social Problem (excerpts). Edited by Henry Cohen. Vanguard Press, 1927.

Correspondance de P.J. Proudhon

"Etre Gouverne", from: Idée Générale de la Révolution au XIXe Siècle

A Letter To M. Blanqui. Paris, April 1, 1841.

Interest and Principal: A Loan is a Service, Letter addressed to Frederic Bastiat in The Voice of the People, 1849.

Interest and Principal: The Circulation of Capital, Not Capital Itself, Gives Birth to Progress, Letter addressed to Frederic Bastiat in The Voice of the People, 1849.

Interest and Principal: The Origin of Ground Rent, Letter addressed to Frederic Bastiat in The Voice of the People, 1849.

Interest and Principal: Arguments Drawn from the Operations of the Bank of France, Letter addressed to Frederic Bastiat in The Voice of the People, 1849.

The Philosophy of Progress [pdf] [html version]

The causes of oppression [pdf in french] Excerpts in html

Several letters between Bastiat and Proudhon can be found on the Bestiat site.

Proudhon Bibliography

By Proudhon

Proudhon, P.J. (1840). What is Property: An Inquiry into the

Principle of Right and Government. trans. B.R. Tucker, 1876. New York: Humbold, 1890; New York: Dover, 1970; Cambridge, Cambridge University Press,1994.

--- (1843). De la Création de l'ordre dans l'humanité. Besaçon.

--- (1846). System of Economic Contradictions: or, The

Philosophy of Misery. Boston: Benj. R. Tucker, 1888. Reprinted, New York: Arno Press, 1972.

--- (1848). Solution du problème social. Paris. Proudhon's Solution

of the Social Problem. (New York, 1927).

--- (1849). Les Confessions d'un révolutionaire pour servire

à l'histoire de la Révolution de Févier. Paris: Rivière, 1929.

--- (1851). Idée générale de la révolution. Paris: Rivière, 1923.

--- (1852). La Révolution sociale demontrée par le coup d'état

du 2 décembre 1851. Paris: Rivière, 1936.

--- (1853). Philosophie du progrès, programme. Brussels.

--- (1858). De la Justice dans la révolution et dans l'église. 3 vols.

Paris.

--- (1861). La Guerre et La Paix. (2 vols.) Paris, Dentu.

--- (1862). La Fédération Et L'unité En Italie.

Paris: E. Dentu.

--- (1863). Du Principe Fédératif Et De La

Nécessité De Reconstituer Le Parti De La Révolution. (Inc) Si Les Traités De 1815 Ont Cessé D'exister. Paris: Ernest Flammarion.

--- (1863). ed., Vernon Richards. The Principle of Federation. Reprinted,

1979, Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

--- (1863). "La Pologne, Considérations Sur La Vie Et La Mort Des

Nationalités". Besancon, 990.

--- (1865). Du Principe de l'art et de sa destination sociale. Paris.

--- (1865). De la Capacité Politique de la Classe Ouviére.

--- (1865). Nouvelles Observations Sur L'unité Italienne.

Paris: E. Dentu.

--- (1866-1876). Oeuvres complètes de P.-J. Proudhon. Paris:

Lacroix.

--- (1868). Oeuvres Posthumes De P. J. Proudhon France Et Rhin, ed. Paris:

A. Lacroix, Verboeckhoven et Companie.

--- (1868-1870). De la justice dans la revolution et dans l'eglise.

Bruxelles: A. Lacroix, Verboeckhoven.

--- (1875). Correspondance de P.-J. Proudhon. 14 vols. Paris: Lacroix.

--- (1923). General Idea of Revolution in the Nineteenth

Century. trans. J.B. Robinson. London: Freedom Press (first published 1851).

--- (1969). Selected Writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon.

ed. S. Edwards, trans. E. Fraser. London: Macmillian; and New York: Doubleday (1970).

--- (1998). La Guerre Et La Paix, Recherches Sur La Principe

Et La Constitution Du Droit Des Gens. Nouvelle ed. Antony: Editions Tops.

Proudhon's Biographical Information

Born: January 15, 1809; Besançon, France

1825 enters college in Besançon

1828 becomes working compositor in town

1832 Back in Besançon by the Fall, Proudhon was offered a job as an editor of a Fouriériste newspaper.

1833, after receiving news of his brother's mysterious death during military training after having threatened to expose his captain for misuse of army funds, Proudhon became an implacable enemy of the existing order

1838 obtained pension Suard working as corrector of the press

1839 wrote treatise, 'Utilité de la célébration du dimanche, this year moved to paris

1840 published first work- Qu'est-ce que la propriété

1846 published greatest work Système des contradictions économiques ou Philosophie de la misère (system of economic contradictions or the philosophy of Poverty). He became connected as a kind of manager with commercial firm in Lyon, France.

1847 left Lyon and business and finally settled in Paris, joined freemasonry

1848 Proudhon failed to get elected to the constituent assembly in April 1848, though his name appeared on the ballots in Paris, Lyon, Besançon, and Lille.

1848 participated in February uprising

(1848-1852) During the Second French Republic Proudhon was writing for Le Représentant du Peuple (February 1848 - August 1848); Le Peuple (September 1848 - June 1849); La Voix du Peuple (September 1849 - May 1850); Le Peuple de 1850 (June 1850 - October 1850) Proudhon stood for the constituent assembly in April 1848, but failed to get elected

June 4 1848-, and served as a deputy during the debates over the National Workshops, created by the February 25, 1848 decree passed by Republican Louis Blanc

1849 he attempted to establish a popular bank (Banque du peuple)

1854 Proudhon contracted cholera. He survived but he never fully recovered his health

1858 published two more important books, Justice in the Revolution and in the Church

1863 published Principle of Federation

Died: January 19, 1865; Passy, France

Research

www.anarquismo.com.br/

http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/

www.marxists.org/

A Brief History of Anarchism:

The European Tradition

By Ishaan Tharoor

31.12. 2010

A recent spate of letter bombs dispatched to foreign embassies in Rome (foto) , as well as the headquarters of a far-right Italian political party, focused attention upon a rogue group of anarchists that claimed responsibility for the attacks. The Informal Federation of Anarchy says it is a cobbled-together coalition of anarchist outfits in Italy, and boasts ties with like-minded groups across the world. Their parcel bombing campaign follows a similar wave of deliveries sent in November by Greek anarchists to embassies in Athens. But security experts aren't wringing their hands over an emerging global threat. One told TIME that the aborted bombings were simply "something [the anarchists] have to do from time to time to show that they exist."

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Anarchist organizations in Italy and elsewhere today may be as fringe as analysts say they are, but they are the heirs of a political credo that deeply impacted the past two centuries of world history. The term "anarchism" stems from the ancient Greek anarchos, or "without rulers," and historians see anarchist strains in everything from the writings of certain Daoist scholars in pre-modern China to the emancipatory zeal of early Christianity. But anarchism, as we know it, is a distinctly modern phenomenon, crystallizing in the wake of the French Revolution, as more and more people in the industrializing world chafed both under the yoke of despotic monarchs and the growing power of capitalist elites.

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The man credited as being the first self-proclaimed anarchist and one of anarchism's most influential ideologues, Frenchman Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, famously said in 1849: "Whoever lays his hand on me to govern me is a usurper and tyrant, and I declare him my enemy." Contrary to contemporary notions of anarchists as trouble-making, chaotic nihilists, Proudhon championed anarchism as the most rational and just means of creating order in society. Among other things, he advocated what he called "mutualism," an economic practice that disincentivized profit — which, according to him, was a destabilizing force — and argued far ahead of his time for banks with free credit and unions to protect labor. What cemented Proudhon's anarchism was his vehement distrust of the state and even electoral politics.
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Anarchism's 19th century standard bearers were a beguiling, motley troop of globe-trotting intellectuals. Mikhail Bakunin, a larger-than-life Russian known for his great love of cigars, escaped Siberian exile in 1861 and embarked on a whirlwind odyssey that took him first east to Japan and then San Francisco and eventually saw him land in the newly united state of Italy in 1864. There, he developed his anarchist views, building from Proudhon's earlier work his own idea of "collectivist anarchism," where, workers banded together as equals in private associations and wholly controlled the fruits of their labor. Bakunin's writings underpinned "anarcho-syndicalism," a creed that saw anarchist-led labor unions form and fight for greater freedoms across the western world, from the Ruhr Valley to the Rocky Mountains. Yet he also presciently warned against Karl Marx's aspiration for a "dictatorship of the proletariat," writing in 1868 that "socialism without liberty is slavery and brutality."

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Anarchism's European heyday was in the late 19th and early 20th century. The events of the short-lived Paris Commune in 1871 — when France's capital fell briefly under anarchist-communist rule — fired the anarchist imagination. A vibrant print culture emerged of pamphlets and newspapers, distributed widely to a growing working class readership. Labor strikes in remote dusty valleys rapidly became the talk of capitals worldwide. At the turn of the century, anarchist European emigres in New York's Greenwich Village comprised a significant bloc among the restless American city's literary world. The ideology had profound mainstream cachet. Perhaps the most luminous anarchist of the time was Peter Kropotkin, a Russian prince who renounced his hereditary titles and advanced the notion of "mutual aid," pointing to evidence in the natural world of species cooperating together without competition or coercion. Oscar Wilde likened Kropotkin to "Christ... coming out of Russia."

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Yet, anarchism also had a strong violent streak, with many radicals arguing for direct confrontation with the oppressive state — what could incite revolution better than the "propaganda of the deed" itself? An anarchist assassinated Russia's Czar Alexander I in 1881; in 1896, a Polish-American anarchist shot U.S. President William McKinley. Not surprisingly, governments spied and loudly denounced lurking anarchist threats in all sorts of cases, from the controversial Sacco and Vanzetti trials in 1920s Massachusetts to unrest in colonial India.
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Anarchism's last great, albeit fleeting, moment under the sun came at the time of the Spanish Civil War. For a few years in the 1930s, anarchist collectives thrived in Catalonia. George Orwell, who threw in his lot with an anarchist faction, wrote admiringly of his Spanish comrades: the fiercely egalitarian anarchist militias, said Orwell, "were a sort of microcosm of a classless society... where hope was more normal than apathy and cynicism." Of course, as Orwell charts in Homage to Catalonia, the anarchists' downfall comes not at the hands of Gen. Franco's fascists, but during an internal putsch among Spain's Republicans, led by U.S.S.R-backed Communists. An ideology that loathed hierarchy could never be tolerated by Stalin.
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In the decades since, the allure of anarchism as a viable political system has faded. Its adherents and symbols — the black flag of anarcho-syndicalists and the "A" enclosed by a circle — remain. The tradition of "antifa," or anti-fascist mobilization and activism popular throughout Europe, particularly in politically polarized societies like Greece and Italy, draws on the support of self-proclaimed anarchist groups. Anarchists have also fueled the "anti-globalization" movement, a legacy that has twinned the ideology with images of crunchy protestors hurling stones through Starbucks windows or chaining themselves to trees.
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It's unlikely the 21st century's anarchists, raging against the collusion of multinationals and the state, will ever have the same appeal as their predecessors more than a century before. The U.S. itself had a rich tradition of anarchism, whose guardian angel was the famed New York writer and activist Emma Goldman. It can be argued be that the logical heirs to Goldman and her anti-government fellow travelers are, in some form, today's Tea Party — only in the past half century has a distinction been made between the term "libertarian" and "anarchist." But Sarah Palin probably hasn't read Proudhon or Bakunin; nor did they likely have someone like her in mind.
www.time.com